Political viewpoints[ edit ] As a generalization, it can be said that Christian democratic parties in Europe tend to be moderately conservativeand in several cases form the main conservative party in their respective countries e.
Universalism Versus Particularism Communitarians have sought to deflate the universal pretensions of liberal theory. Whereas Rawls seemed to present his theory of justice as universally true, communitarians argued that the standards of justice must be found in forms of life and traditions of particular societies and hence can vary from context to context.
Alasdair MacIntyre and Charles Taylor argued that moral and political judgment will depend on the language of reasons and the interpretive The liberal point of view regarding communitarianism of american democracy within which agents view their world, hence that it makes no sense to begin the political enterprise by abstracting from the interpretive dimensions of human beliefs, practices, and institutions Taylorch.
Michael Walzer developed the additional argument that effective social criticism must derive from and resonate with the habits and traditions of actual people living in specific times and places. In short, liberals who ask what is just by abstracting from particular social contexts are doomed to philosophical incoherence and liberal theorists who adopt this method to persuade people to do the just thing are doomed to political irrelevance.
Rawls has since tried to eliminate the universalist presuppositions from his theory. In Political Liberalism, Rawls he argues in a communitarian vein that his conception of the person as impartial citizen provides the best account of liberal-democratic political culture and that his political aim is only to work out the rules for consensus in political communities where people are willing to try for consensus.
Having said that, one still gets the sense that the liberal vision laid out in A Theory of Justice is the best possible political ideal, one that all rational individuals would want if they were able to choose between the available political alternatives.
There may be justifiable non-liberal regimes, but these should be regarded as second best to be tolerated and perhaps respected, not idealized or emulated. Other liberal theorists have taken a harder line against communitarian concessions, arguing that liberal theory can and should present itself as a universally valid ideal.
Brian Barry, for one, opens his widely cited book Justice as Impartiality by boldly affirming the universality of his theory: Barry does recognize that a theory of justice must be anchored in substantive moral considerations, but his normative vision appears to be limited to the values and practices of liberal Western societies.
He seems distinctly uninterested in learning anything worthwhile from non-Western political traditions: One might consider the reaction to a Chinese intellectual who puts forward a universal theory of justice that draws on the Chinese political tradition for inspiration and completely ignores the history and moral argumentation in Western societies, except for brief criticisms of slavery and imperialism.
Still, it must be conceded that s communitarian theorists were less-than-successful at putting forward attractive visions of non-liberal societies. The communitarian case for pluralism for the need to respect and perhaps learn from non-liberal societies that may be as good as, if not better than, the liberal societies of the West may have been unintentionally undermined by their own use of counter examples.
In After Virtue, Alasdair MacIntyre defended the Aristotelian ideal of the intimate, reciprocating local community bound by shared ends, where people simply assume and fulfill socially given roles MacIntyre But this pre-modern Gemeinschaft conception of an all-encompassing community that members unreflectively endorse seemed distinctly ill-suited for complex and conflict-ridden large-scale industrialized societies.
Not surprisingly, few readers were inspired by this example of non-liberal justice not to mention the fact that many contemporary Indian thinkers view the caste system as an unfortunate legacy of the past that Indians should strive hard to overcome.
In short, this use of ill-informed examples may have unintentionally reinforced the view that there are few if any justifiable alternatives to liberalism in modern societies. Communitarians could score some theoretical points by urging liberal thinkers to be cautious about developing universal arguments founded exclusively on the moral argumentation and political experience of Western liberal societies, but few thinkers would really contemplate the possibility of non-liberal practices appropriate for the modern world so long as the alternatives to liberalism consisted of Golden Ages, caste societies, fascism, or actually-existing communism.
For the communitarian critique of liberal universalism to have any lasting credibility, thinkers need to provide compelling counter-examples to modern-day liberal-democratic regimes and s communitarians came up short.
By the s, fairly abstract methodological disputes over universalism versus particularism faded from academic prominence, and the debate now centers on the theory and practice of universal human rights. This is largely due to the increased political salience of human rights since the collapse of communism in the former Soviet bloc.
On the liberal side, the new, more political voices for liberal universalism have been represented by the likes of Francis Fukuyama, who famously argued that liberal democracy's triumph over its rivals signifies the end of history Fukuama This view also revived and provoked the second wave communitarian critique of liberal universalism and the debate became much more concrete and political in orientation.
Needless to say, the brief moment of liberal euphoria that followed the collapse of the communism in the Soviet bloc has given way to a sober assessment of the difficulties of implementing liberal practices outside the Western world.
It is now widely recognized that brutal ethnic warfare, crippling poverty, environmental degradation, and pervasive corruption, to name some of the more obvious troubles afflicting the developing world, pose serious obstacles to the successful establishment and consolidation of liberal democratic political arrangements.
Copied from Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy, 4 October Communitarianism. Modern-day communitarianism began in the upper reaches of Anglo-American academia in the form of a critical reaction to John Rawls landmark book A Theory of Justice.  Drawing primarily upon the insights of Aristotle and Hegel, political philosophers such . In order to truly grasp the difference between liberalism and communitarianism, you first have to understand that these two theories have a very different ontological conception of the individual. And this disagreement regarding ontological features of the self leads to most of the differences between them. On the liberal side, the new, more political voices for liberal universalism have been represented by the likes of Francis Fukuyama, who famously argued that liberal democracy's triumph over its rivals signifies the end of history (Fukuama ).
But these were seen as unfortunate hopefully temporary afflictions that may delay the end of history when liberal democracy has finally triumphed over its rivals. They were not meant to pose a challenge to the ideal of liberal democracy.
It was widely assumed that liberal democracy is something that all rational individuals would want if they could get it.
The deeper challenge to Western liberal democracy has emerged from the East Asian region. Asians, they claim, place special emphasis upon family and social harmony, with the implication that those in the chaotic and crumbling societies of the West should think twice about intervening in Asia for the sake of promoting human rights and democracy.
And it looks like Asian values was one casualty of the crisis.LIBERAL AND REPUBLICAN CONCEPTUALIZATIONS OF CITIZENSHIP: A THEORETICAL INQUIRY Filiz KARTAL Abstract: Liberal citizenship conceptualization, based on individual freedom and equality and setting a bundle of individual rights against the state, failed to accommodate cultural pluralism raised in the late twentieth century.
The distinctive attributes of our democracy have been individual liberty since the independence of America came about in the seventeenth century. No other aspect is .
Put differently, Washington is not the focal point of American democracy.” But education is indeed a collective problem in the United States. Massachusetts and Mississippi are both American states.
Conservative vs Liberal Beliefs; Midterm Elections; Presidential Election; The decision to have an abortion is a personal choice of a woman regarding her own body and the government must protect this right.
prove this point. Oct 16, · So, sure we can say that Democrats tend to be liberal and Republicans tend to be conservative, but we're not going to be . Liberal VS Conservative VS Libertarian VS Authoritarian Table / Chart. as long as we maintain a strong sense of democracy, things will tend to move towards the middle somewhere.
It doesn't always happen that way of course, but at least it happens often enough to maintain civility (civilization). Modern Day American Liberal really.